Another Day, Another Gate of Hell Swings Open
by Chris Floyd
This week another gate swung open in the multi-chambered hell that is the "War on Terror." George W. Bush has authorized the invasion of Pakistan by American ground forces, and the armed incursions have already begun. The implications of this move -- which largely corresponds with the strategy that Barack Obama has said he would employ in the region -- are disturbing in the extreme.
William Pfaff takes up this subject with his usual clarity and good sense in a new article at Truthdig.
by Chris Floyd
This week another gate swung open in the multi-chambered hell that is the "War on Terror." George W. Bush has authorized the invasion of Pakistan by American ground forces, and the armed incursions have already begun. The implications of this move -- which largely corresponds with the strategy that Barack Obama has said he would employ in the region -- are disturbing in the extreme.
William Pfaff takes up this subject with his usual clarity and good sense in a new article at Truthdig.
In a telling insight, he produces the historical analogy most relevant to the current situation:
Pfaff notes that the result of that previous "surge" was not a happy one:
-
The United States has just invaded Cambodia. The name of Cambodia this
time is Pakistan, but otherwise it’s the same story as in Indochina in
1970.
-
An American army, deeply frustrated by its inability to defeat an
anti-American insurgent movement despite years of struggle, decides
that the key to victory lies in a neighboring country. In 1970, the
problem was the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Cambodia. Today it is Taliban and
al-Qaida bases inside Pakistan, which the United States has been
attacking from the air for some time, with controversial “collateral
damage.â€...
- Washington’s decision was made known just in time for the seventh anniversary of the 9/11 attacks that opened the first phase of the “war on terror,†after which “nothing could ever be the same.†We no doubt have now begun phase two.
Pfaff notes that the result of that previous "surge" was not a happy one:
-
The eventual outcome of the American intervention in Cambodia in 1970
was Communist overthrow of the American-sponsored military government
in that country, followed by genocide...
-
In the Vietnamese case, the American military command held that it
could win the war by invading Cambodia to cut the so-called Ho Chi Minh
Trail, along which supplies and arms for the Viet Cong Communist
insurrection were being transported. The argument made was that cutting
this route would starve the Viet Cong of supplies.
-
Initially, the unhappy Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia, desperately trying
to keep his country out of the Vietnam War, was persuaded to turn a
blind eye to U.S. bombing of the trail. A military coup followed in
1970, installing an American puppet general. B-52 saturation bombing
ensued, without the desired military effect, but killing many
Cambodians.
-
The joint U.S. and South Vietnamese “incursion†to cut the trail came
in April 1970; it simply pushed the supply operations deeper into
Cambodia. Richard Nixon said he acted to prove that the United States
was not “a second-rate power.†“If, when the chips are down, the
world’s most powerful nation acts like a pitiful helpless giant, the
forces of totalitarianism and anarchy will threaten free nations and
free institutions throughout the world.â€
-
It's 1970. Nixon is angry: The Air Force is not killing enough people
in Cambodia, the country he has just illegally invaded without the
slightest pretence of Congressional approval. The flyboys are doing
"milk runs," their intelligence-gathering is too by-the-book: There are
"other methods" of getting intelligence, he tells Kissinger. "You
understand what I mean?" "Yes, I do," pipes the loyal retainer.
-
Nixon then orders Kissinger to send every available plane into Cambodia
-- bombers, fighters, helicopters, prop planes -- to "crack the hell
out of them," smother the entire country with deadly fire: "I want them
to hit everything." Kissinger tells his own top aide, General Alexander
Haig, to try to implement the plan: "He wants a massive bombing
campaign in Cambodia," Kissinger says. "It's an order, it's to be done.
Anything that flies on anything that moves."
- That's how the system works, beneath the mask. A blustering fool issues an order, and thousands upon thousands of innocent people die. An entire country is ripped to shreds, and into the smoking ruins steps a fanatical band of crazed extremists -- the Khmer Rouge -- who murder two million more.
Years later, of course, George W. Bush -- another little second-rater anxious about his manhood -- would "crack the hell" out of Iraq: an operation that is already nearing Khmer Rouge proportions, with more than a million dead so far. The new Bush-McCain-Obama move into Pakistan could presage an even greater orgy of death and ruin, especially if Pakistan's nuclear arsenal comes into play. As Pfaff notes:
- The future consequences in (nuclear-armed) Pakistan await. There is every reason to think they may include civil protest and disorder in the country, political crisis, a major rise in the strength of Pakistan’s own Islamic fundamentalist movement and, conceivably, a small war between the United States and the Pakistan army, which is the central institution in the country, has a mind of its own and is not a negligible military force.
Pfaff also references one of the most salient -- and almost universally ignored -- facts about the current crisis: Washington's direct hand in creating it:
- Pakistan’s military intelligence services created the Taliban while they were collaborating with the CIA to form the mujahadeen that drove the Soviet Union out of Afghanistan. Many in the service still support the Taliban as a useful instrument against India, and to keep Afghanistan out of the hands of more dangerous enemies.
Indeed. As we noted here a few months ago:
- Those Taliban and al Qaeda sanctuaries that threaten American forces
would not exist if Afghanistan was not a massively failed state,
ravaged to pieces by 30 years of sectarian war. And that sectarian war
would not have raged so long and so virulently if the American
government (and its allies in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia) had not
decided to arm, train, fund and organize the world's most violent,
retrograde religious extremists into a worldwide movement. And why did
Washington do such a "notably wrong-headed" thing? Because the American
elite -- stung and emasculated by their defeat in Indochina -- wanted
to "give the Soviets their own Vietnam," in the words of Zbigniew
Brzezinski. And so Jimmy Carter -- yes, mild-mannered ole Jimmuh --
greenlighted the covert op to build up a jihad army that would
destabilize the secular government of Afghanistan and provoke the
Soviets to intervene to save their clients there.
-
The fact that America's support of violent religious extremists in
Afghanistan pre-dated the Soviet invasion there -- and was actually a
cause of the invasion -- is of course virtually unknown in the land of
the free (free of any useful information about what their overlords are
getting up to, that is). At almost every turn, American policies have
created more violence and more extremism in the region, either by
design, or through neglect, or as the inevitable result of
heavy-handed, blood-sodden massive military intervention.
- Expanding the war to Pakistan...would certainly be in keeping with the long, bipartisan tradition of American policy there. And it would undoubtedly produce the same bitter fruit: more decades of hatred, extremism, poverty, ruin and suffering.
Now that expansion has begun. It will doubtless continue no matter who is president next year, for both major candidates and their running mates have enthusiastically pledged their allegiance to the Terror War -- despite the fact, as I wrote more than two years ago:
- ...What matters most now is ending the so-called "war on terror," this dance of death led by two small factions whose ambitions and principles are depraved, inhuman and obscene.
- Naturally, we should apprehend anyone who commits a crime--murder, destruction, looting, extortion, intimidation--and subject them to the rule of law. And this should of course be done no matter what kind of organization the criminal belongs to: a religious sect, a mafia clan, a corporation--or a national government. All such criminals should be subjected to the judicial process--either domestically, in the countries where they commit their crimes, or internationally--no matter what grand abstraction they claim as "justification" for their misdeeds: "freedom and democracy," "national security," "defense of the ummah," "God's will."
- "Stateless criminals" like the terrorists of al Qaeda are just that:
criminals. They should be dealt with as criminals, and not inflated and
glorified into gigantic figures of world-historical import. The
perpetrators of state terrorism are somewhat different, because they
are far more powerful and wreak far more damage than the freebooters on
the fringe of society. But of course they too should be held
accountable, as individuals, not only for the crimes they commit, but
also for the crimes they order to be committed, and the crimes that
arise indirectly from circumstances they have deliberately created with
their great power.
-
Both sides need the other in this insane global conflict--but
ironically, only one side can actually stop the "war." Only the United
States can cease to respond with massive military force all over the
world to provocations from criminals on the fringe. Only the United
States can say, "We are not fighting a war; we are dealing with
criminal actions as they arise--while working feverishly on the
diplomatic, social, political, cultural and economic fronts to address
the conditions in which the particular set of crimes known as
'terrorism' are apt to arise. It is a complicated business, to be sure:
hard work, often unrewarding, full of pitfalls and reverses--but we are
wise enough and strong enough as a nation to see it through."
-
But this course--the only sensible, and only genuinely effective
response to criminal actions of extremist groups -- will never be
undertaken by the Bush Faction, no matter who heads it. Nor by anyone
else, of whatever political stripe, who buys into the militarist
philosophy of an American dominance imposed on the world by force
(either directly or through the more subtly implied but ever-present
threat of force favored by "liberal" advocates of "soft power").
-
As long as the Bush Regime -- or some other permutation of "Bushism"
[which, as we can see in 2008, includes the Obama-Biden Terror War
ticket] -- is in power, the "war on terror" will never end. It will go
on spawning new wars, real wars... This blood-dimmed tide will keep
rising: thousands, perhaps millions (if the hard-Right's dream of
nuking Iran comes true) will be struck down by death and grief, and we
will all keep falling deeper into the pit of a lamed and brutal life.
- So when they ask why you are so "angry," why you are so "strident" and "shrill," tell them you've been vexed to nightmare by the foul embrace of the "war on terror" factions. Tell them you've had enough of the blood and filth, the power games, the talk of God from murderers' lips. Tell them the war is over -- the war is over -- and you'll have no more senseless killing in your name.
The Falling Land
by Chris Floyd
by Chris Floyd
[For complete article reference links, please see source here.]
There is, apparently, to be no end to our falling. No bottom to the pit
of moral nullity through which we keep plunging, no act of evil which
we will not accept, and countenance, and even cheer.At one time, it required great lies -- elaborate, monstrous deceits, wrapped in myths of goodness and light -- to disguise the brutal machinations of raw power. Otherwise, it was thought, the people might rise up in anger at the crimes being committed in their name, thus threatening the primacy and privilege of the elite.
But this proved to be unnecessary in the end. The foulest deeds could be done in broad daylight, in full view of the world, before the eyes of our children, without the slightest consequence for the perpetrators. The crowd would applaud, or, at worst, simply shrug and move on.
Actions and policies drawn from the horror stories of history -- things which the people had been taught to abominate from the day they were born -- were freely and openly embraced.
The Nazis launched unprovoked wars of aggression and despoiled whole nations. So do we now; who cares? The Gestapo and the KGB snatched people from the street and held them without charges in secret prisons, tortured them with brute force and with exquisitely calibrated techniques approved by the highest authorities. So do we now; who cares? The Soviets spied without qualm or restraint on their own people, no warrants needed, no evidence required, just a nod from some faceless official in the security organs. So do we now; who cares? The Nazis believed that the national leader is beyond the law, that any order he gives is rightful and just and cannot be punished, simply because he has given it. So do we now; who cares? The Soviets and the Nazis treated protests against the established order as security threats and acts of terror, and repressed them with mass arrests and police violence. So do we now; who cares?
All of these things, and many more besides, have been done and are being done by the government of the United States today, with either the full-throated approval or the meek acquiescence of the political opposition and the nation's institutions. The people too seem largely in agreement, or completely indifferent. We have just finished a primary campaign in which tens of millions of people voted for candidates who support the system described above in almost every particular -- quibbling about some of the details and tactics perhaps, but expressing absolutely no dissent from its basic premises.
The two major candidates left standing after this appalling process are as similar in policy and philosophy as it is possible to be and still maintain a semblance of "choice" in the election. Both support the continuance and expansion of the "War on Terror." Both pledge to use massive, lethal, violent force, at any time, anywhere in the world -- with no options, not even the nuclear one, taken "off the table" -- in the service of ever-nebulous and self-defined "national security" interests. Both support the warrantless surveillance of American citizens, and immunity for vast conglomerates that collaborate with the state in blatantly illegal activity. Both believe that even those who have not committed murder can be executed by the state. (And neither has said a single word about the shame of America's prison system: more than 2 million people behind bars, more than any other nation on earth, in both sheer numbers and proportionately, and rivalled historically in those numbers only by Stalin's gulag at the height of the purges.)
Both support a continuing American military presence in Iraq, under one euphemism or another. Both mouth pieties about opposing torture and upholding the rule of law, but neither of them applied their considerable powers as senators -- or their great personal popularity -- to make the slightest move to bring the perpetrators of the White House-approved torture regime to justice. (McCain has even voted explicitly to allow the CIA to torture captives.) Both have just finished conventions at which American citizens seeking to exercise their constitutional rights of free speech and free assembly were herded by armed police into wire pens (dubbed, with sinister irony, "free speech zones"), harassed, arrested, in cases beaten, invaded, and charged with thought crime and terrorism. Both support, and are supported by, the same corporate interests whose predations and corruptions have shredded the social and civic fabric of the nation and are now leading millions into penury.
Where are the hands, as in Rilke's poem, that can hold up all this falling? There are none. And so we keep falling, down and down and still farther down.
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