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From One Dictator to the Next
by Ali al-Fadhily and Dahr Jamail
Many Iraqis have come to believe that Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is just as much a dictator as Saddam Hussein was.
"Al-Maliki is a dictator who must be removed by all means," 35-year-old Abdul-Riza Hussein, a Mehdi Army member from Sadr City in Baghdad told IPS. "He is a worse dictator than Saddam; he has killed in less than two years more than Saddam killed in 10 years."
BAGHDAD, Apr 12 (IPS) - Following the failed attempt by the U.S.-backed al-Maliki to
crack down on the Mehdi Army militia of Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr,
the situation in Iraq has become much worse. Iraq appears to be
splintering more widely under this rule than under Saddam's.
Fierce
fighting has broken out between Sadr's Mehdi Army and Maliki's army and
police forces in Baghdad, which comprise mostly the Badr Organisation
militia, the armed wing of the political group, the Supreme Islamic
Iraqi Council (SIIC).
According to statistics compiled by the
U.S. military in Baghdad, there has been a sharp increase in attacks
against U.S. and Iraqi security forces, from 239 in February to 631 in
March. Most of these attacks are believed to have been carried out by
the Mehdi Army.
The Mehdi Army is known to have substantial
control of the streets of Baghdad, Basra, and many other predominantly
Shia areas in southern Iraq.
But there is also considerable Shia
support for Maliki's effort to disarm the Mehdi Army. "Those who shout
loud against Maliki and his legally elected government are all thieves
and murderers and must be executed," says Aziz Mussawi, a resident of
Hilla, 100km south of Baghdad, who fled for Baghdad when the clashes
started there last month. "These militias will destroy Iraq if left
unleashed."
Many Iraqis feel caught in a cross-fire in what they
see as a battle for power between the Shia factions. "Over a thousand
Iraqis got killed and more than that number wounded just for a game of
chess between warlords," Mohammad Alwan, a lawyer in Baghdad told IPS.
"All of them call for dissolving militias while they keep militias of
their own. Most of those in power in the government are militia
leaders."
Sadr and his followers are calling for unity, in an
attempt to bring as many Iraqis as they can, Sunni and Shia, to their
side. The rival Fadhila Party, that is powerful in many Shia provinces
and in cities like Basra where it holds the governorship, has also
called for unity.
It is widely believed in Iraq that parties who
call for unity are using the issue to get public support against
federalism, seen to be supported by the U.S. and Iranian backed parties
such as the SIIC and Maliki's Dawa Party. Many in Iraq see federalism
as the break-up of the country.
After five years of occupation
and suffering, with no end to it in sight, many Iraqis have become
skeptical of all political and religious leaders.
"Sadr is
another face of the Iranian project, despite their pretending to be a
national movement," Jassam Hady, a colonel of the former Iraqi army in
Baghdad told IPS. "All those in the Iraqi government in the so-called
Green Zone have militias that have killed Iraqis under one flag or
another."
Hady, like many Iraqis, believes that the current
spasm of violence will worsen as the two main Shia groups, the Sadr
Movement and Maliki's affiliations, continue to vie for power ahead of
the provincial elections slated for October.
Division has broken
out also within tribes; many have now come to back Sadr, not because
they like him, but because they hate the Badr militia of Hakeem's SIIC
and Maliki's Dawa party.
"Our problem in the southern parts of
Iraq and other Shia dominated areas is that all options are bad," the
chief of a major tribe in Basra who fled for Baghdad, told IPS on
condition of anonymity. "Iranian controlled militias killed so many
chiefs of tribes because they refused to support these division
projects concealed under the flag of federalism."
Several tribes
in the south have formed unions to fight the separation project, but
some sheikhs have formed counter unions to support the Badr and Dawa
agenda.
Most people seem to oppose any federalism that would separate Shia from Sunni Muslims.
"We
will be weak without our Sunni brothers," says Shamil Mahmood from Sadr
City, the east district of two million in Baghdad. "The whole of the
south will be swallowed by Iran, that will humiliate us and treat us
like animals."
Ali al-Fadhily, our correspondent in Baghdad, works in
close collaboration with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer
on Iraq who has reported extensively from Iraq and the Middle East)
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(c)2008 Dahr Jamail.
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