Pacific Free Press was launched in March 2007 by Dutch-Canadian Richard
Kastelein of V.O.F. Expathos, in the Netherlands along with Chris Cook- CFUV radio journalist and Editor in Chief of Pacific Free Press. Cook is based in , Victoria, British Columbia.
The mission of Pacific Free Press is simple: to dig out nuggets of truth from
the slag-heap of lies, ignorance and witless diversion that has buried
public discourse today. Pacific Free Press provides a new venue for
disseminating hard news and insightful, fact-based analysis of the
harsh realities too often ignored or distorted by the mainstream press.
A Change Ain't Gonna Come: Democrats Openly Embrace Aggression and Torture
by Chris Floyd It was a remarkable display even by the hideous standards that the Democrats have already set for themselves. Over the past week, the party's leaders have put forward not one but two architects of Bush Regime war crimes as standard-bearers for Democratic policies and principles.
In so doing, they have aligned themselves as completely and publicly as possible with the Hitlerian war crime of military aggression in Iraq and the Stalinist filth of deliberate, calculated and brutal torture, as exemplified by (but in no way limited to) the sickening atrocities at Abu Ghraib.
First, the party leadership picked retired General Ricardo
Sanchez to give the Democratic response to the president's weekly radio
address last Saturday. Then, just three days later, frontrunning
presidential candidate Hillary Clinton singled out Colin Powell as one
of the personal emissaries she would send out to tell the world that
"bipartisan foreign policy is back."
But as these incidents
display so nakedly, "bipartisan foreign policy" has never gone away. It
has continued to operate smoothly at the highest levels throughout the
Bush imperium, greased by the blood money flowing to both parties from
the spoils of war (H. Clinton now receives more legalized bribery from
military-related industries than any of the Republican candidates), and
by their shared vision of armed American hegemony over world affairs.
(The latter is well-limned by Arthur Silber here.)
As Amy
Goodman notes at Alternet, Sanchez was neck-deep in the blood-flecked
slime where Pentagon brass and White House officials devised the
torture regimens that were briefly exposed at Abu Ghraib. In addition
to urging his troops to "go to the outer limits" in extracting
information from the thousands of Iraqis they were sweeping up at
random, and ordering prison officials to violate the Geneva Conventions
by hiding designated prisoners from the Red Cross, Sanchez gave
"detailed orders" for the infliction of carefully calibrated tortures
used by CIA-trained, Reagan-backed Latin American tyrannies and death
squads in the 1980s. As Alfred McCoy told Goodman:
In
September of 2003, General Sanchez issued orders, detailed orders, for
expanded interrogation techniques beyond those allowed in the US Army
Field Manual 3452, and if you look at those techniques, what he's
ordering, in essence, is a combination of self-inflicted pain, stress
positions and sensory disorientation. And if you look at the 1963 CIA
KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation Manual, you look at the 1983
CIA Interrogation Training Manual that they used in Honduras for
training Honduran officers in torture and interrogation, and then
twenty years later, you look at General Sanchez's 2003 orders, there's
a striking continuity across this forty-year span in both the general
principles: this total assault on the existential platforms of human
identity and existence, OK, and the specific techniques, the way of
achieving that, through the attack on these sensory receptors.
As
for Colin Powell, the idea that this knowing conspirator in deceitful
warmongering and criminal war-waging could "represent our country well"
speaks volumes about Clinton's vision of what America is really all
about. As we noted here before:
Powell's reputation as
"one of the good guys" in the Bush Administration has been one of the
most enduring mysteries of our sad, demented times. He was not only one
of the chief enablers of Bush's war crime in Iraq, but his entire
career has marked him out as a bagman for a bloody elite, ever willing
to turn a blind eye -- or to pitch in directly -- when there is dirty
work to be done, from the My Lai massacre to Iran-Contra to the
murderous excursion in Panama to the warm embrace of Saddam Hussein to
Powell's final apotheosis as Imperial Handmaiden in his sick-making
appearance at the UN in February 2003, when he "made the case" for war.
(For more, see Jon Schwarz's detailed look at Powell's deliberate
deceits, and this history of the handmaiden from the incomparable
Robert Parry.)
But of course, this dismal record is
precisely what makes him a "distinguished American" in Clinton's eyes:
he knows how to serve the powerful, and how to give their ugly lusts
for loot and dominion a more pleasing outer appearance.
What is
perhaps most remarkable about all of this is that none of it is
regarded as remarkable by the molders and mouthers of public opinion in
the echo chamber of the political-media world. Should it not be
scandalous for an "opposition" candidate one nominally opposed to a
disastrous war to embrace a man who by all rights should be on trial
for his key role in creating that disaster? Should it not be scandalous
for an "opposition" party one nominally opposed to the
Administration's "lawlessness" to embrace a man who by all rights
should be on trial for his complicity in torture and atrocity?
But
it is not scandalous because the bipartisan American Establishment
does not consider aggressive war, lawlessness and torture to be
scandalous, as long as these crimes advance the interests and flatter
the prejudices and self-regard of the elite. And if you wish to
belong to this elite, to reap the rich bounty of such an inclusion,
then you must embrace those who commit the crimes that maintain you in
your marvelous privilege. You must accept whatever means are necessary
to perpetuate the system that undergirds your lofty position.
To
be sure, there will be quibbles over tactics, over points of emphasis,
over specific policies, and whether or not they best serve the system;
this happens under every form of government, even the most
totalitarian. But the presence of politics in any given system has
nothing to do with its moral content. And as we have seen this week, to
play in the big leagues in the American system, you must openly signify
your approval of aggressive war, deceit and torture. You must dip your
hands in blood. And that is exactly what Hillary Clinton and the
Democratic leadership have done -- yet again -- in the last week.
*(For
more on just what H. Clinton and the Democrats are supporting, see
"Eyes Wide Open," and Rich Kastelein's indispensable War Gallery.)*
UPDATE:
Jon Schwarz has more on this theme, with a look at Lee Feinstein, the
man who will most likely be Clinton's national security adviser if she
is elected. Do read the whole thing, but here's an apt passage that Jon
found in a NY Daily News story:
Another Foreign Affairs
essay, co-written in 2004 by Feinstein, is also drawing scrutiny. It
argues Bush's controversial doctrine of "preemptive" war - attacking an
enemy before it attacks the U.S. - "does not go far enough."
Feinstein,
a former Defense and State department official, supported ousting
Saddam in 2003 and believed Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. Since
then he has championed the concept of a "duty to prevent," which
justifies preemptive strikes. He said the U.S. should try to build
coalitions, but that it can attack without allies' support.