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Project Management: Bushists Through the Looking-Glass on Iran Charges
by Chris Floyd For several years I've been writing about facts that point to a disturbing but inescapable conclusion: that the Bush Administration has been fomenting sectarian and political violence in Iraq by arming and in some cases, creating militias, factions, terrorist groups, death squads and overt and covert "security forces." [See Appendix below.]
Based on reports taken from the publicly available sources, most often from Pentagon and White House officials, it is clear that over the course of the war, the groups thus supported and empowered by the Bush Administration have included practically every side in the kaleidoscopic conflict that has torn the conquered nation apart: Baathists, Shiites and Sunnis of various stripes, Kurds, tribes, spies, even a group of exiled Iranian cultists that Saddam Hussein had employed as brutal muscle in repressing his people.
The documentary evidence is there. And the intent of the Bush Administration in stimulating this horrific war of all-against-all seems clear: to "justify" the continuing presence of American troops and the resultant domination of the country. But of course, the actual motives behind this process are, ultimately, a matter of speculation for those outside the inner circle of the Washington warlords.
"By indirection find direction out."
Shakespeare
We cannot delve into those dark hearts and clotted brains to speak with absolute certainty. However,
some confirmation of the conclusions drawn about the intent of the
Administration's policy did emerge this week, and from an unlikely
source: Bush's latest satrap in Baghdad, Ambassador Ryan Crocker.
In
an interview with Reuters, Crocker was carrying water or spears, as
the case may be for two major propaganda campaigns now being waged by
his White House masters: first, the push to continue the escalation of
the war in Iraq beyond the report on the "surge" that the White House
itself will write in the name of its ballyhooed frontman, Gen. David
Petraeus; and second, the accelerating drive to lay the groundwork for
a new war against Iran.
Crocker did not give away the
Administration's game on "fueling violence in Iraq" directly, of
course. Instead, in a remarkable bit of projection, Crocker gave one of
the best, most succinct encapsulations of the Bush Administration's
policy in Iraq that I've yet seen.
From Reuters:
Crocker
has met his Iranian counterpart in Baghdad three times to discuss U.S.
concerns that Iran is fuelling violence in Iraq, despite Tehran's
public support for Iraq's government.
"Based on what I see on
the ground, I think they are seeking a state that they can, by one
means or another, control, weakened to the point that Tehran can set
its agenda," he said.
Tehran was seeking "greater influence,
greater pressure on the government", said the veteran diplomat, a
fluent Arabic speaker who has spent most of his career in the Middle
East.
This is of course precisely what the Bush
Administration is doing in Iraq: "seeking a state that they can, by one
means or another, control, weakened to the point that [Washington] can
set its agenda." All the evidence every bit of it points to this
conclusion. No other conclusion makes even a modicum of sense out of
the policies pursued by Bush and his minions in Iraq. From the very
beginning, these policies not securing the capital (or the vast
caches of arms that dotted the country), disbanding the army, outlawing
and pauperizing the skilled professionals who had been forced to join
the Baath Party in order to work, "losing" 190,000 weapons, arming and
supporting sectarian factions at daggers drawn with one another, etc.
all seemed aimed at destabilizing Iraq, driving it into the ground,
making it utterly dependent on the conquerors. In other words, doing
exactly what Crocker now accuses of Iran of trying to do.
But we
musn't think that Crocker and his masters are being completely cynical
in their mirror-image charges against Iran. For what we doubtless have
here, in part, is a classic case of projection: attributing one's own
psychologically unacceptable desires to someone else. This kind of
projection is a hallmark of all tyrannical and authoritarian regimes.
It is, in some ways, a form of self-hypnosis, whereby tyrants and their
minions and very often, the people they rule transcend the reality
of their policies and sugarcoat the cynical, bestial ambitions behind
them with self-regarding fantasies. Or to resort to the vernacular,
they begin to believe their own bullshit.
For example, Hitler
doubtless believed that "the Jews" were trying to "destroy the German
nation" because that is what he wanted to do to the Jews. This
fantasy projection allowed him to sugarcoat his bestial ambitions as a
"defense of the Volk," a struggle for survival in which any measure
whatsoever was justified. Stalin was able to convince himself that he
(and by extention, the Revolution) was beset by vast conspiracies among
his oldest and most faithful minions conspiracies which "justified"
far-reaching purges that destroyed multitudes because he himself had
spent a lifetime conducting such conspiracies. And he would have
schemed and plotted to strike down the Boss and take his place; so he
imputed his own bestial ambitions and devious practices to others.
That's what he'd do; so obviously that's what they're doing. (And he
might have been right, in a miniscule number of cases; he certainly
wasn't surrounded by choirboys.)
Similarly, the Bushists
believe Tehran is fomenting violence in order to dominate Iraq
because that's what the Bushists would do, and are doing, themselves.
And perhaps they too are right, to some miniscule and as yet wholly
unproven degree; after all, Middle Eastern governments aren't full of
choirboys either. It would be incredible if Iran were not trying to
make hay out of the Bush-created hell in Iraq. But they are almost
certainly not acting out the Bushist fantasy i.e., arming al Qaeda
and other factions in an effort to weaken an Iraqi government which is
already controlled by parties bound tightly to Tehran.
No doubt
one reason that Iran seeks to influence Iraq's government is because
almost a million Iranians were killed in a savage war with Iraq which
ended less than 20 years ago a war in which the United States
government (including many people now in power today) backed the Iraqi
despot Saddam Hussein. Tehran would certainly like to see a friendly
government in Baghdad, preferably one not backed up by the same nation
that helped Iraq invade Iran. Neither of these objectives would be
furthered by destabilizing the Iranian-linked parties already in charge
in Iraq. But the Bush Administration can only see through the prism of
their own ambitions: if they are fuelling violence in order to dominate
a weak Iraq, why then, the Iranians must be doing so too.
Projection
is one of the chief means by which we "justify" actions and desires
that would otherwise be intolerable to our self-image. And the more
exalted the self-image indispensible leader of the world proletariat,
mystical embodiment of the Volk, denizen of the "shining city on the
hill," a divinely-blessed nation which has never and can never
willingly do evil then the more virulent the projection, and the more
violent the policies based upon it. Even when these polices are indeed
conceived in a wide-awake cynicism "I want that power (that oil, that
office, that money, that throne, etc.) and I'll do whatever I can to
get it" it is invariably overwhelmed by the fantasy-based
"justifications" and projections required to keep a guilty psyche from
disintegrating under the unbearable reality of what the person has done
(or countenanced).
The Bushist use of torture is a similar
case. As with aggressive war, you and I would view torture as an
unmitigated evil, a thing of darkness that can only produce more evil.
But to the Bushists (and their many bootlicking sycophants in the
media, and their more nuanced apologists in the think-tank class),
torture is a "necessary" evil, part of working "the dark side, if you
will," as Dick Cheney said only days after 9/11. "Sure, we don't like
it, but we've got to do it." In this, one can hear echoes of Heinrich
Himmler's solicitude for the noble Nazi cadres who took upon themselves
the heavy, secret burden of carrying out the unpleasant but "necessary"
task of the Holocaust: working "the dark side, if you will," to protect
national security.
The torture regimen set up by the Bush
Administration and approved by the president himself is based to a
great extent on techniques used by the KGB in its notorious dungeons
such as the Lubyanka. But as many observers have pointed out, the KGB
was not interested in producing actionable intelligence data but in
eliciting confessions. Some have accused the Bush Administration of
incompetence in setting up this KGB-USA system; it's "not working," the
critics say, because it does not and cannot produce accurate
intelligence. But of course, the system is working exactly as the
Administration intended: it was set up in order to produce confessions
that would conform to the Bush Faction's needs and projections. The
truth or untruth of what they say is largely irrelevant; what matters
is that they "confirm" the already-established scenario. This in turn
"justifies" the torture that Bush and his minions greatly desire to
inflict for bestial reasons which they can never acknowledge, even to
themselves. Or especially to themselves.
Yes, there are many
realpolitik reasons for the Bush Regime's war crime in Iraq and its
planned war crime for Iran. And there is much knowing cynicism, knowing
lies, knowing hypocrisy, in the tactics that the Bushists use to
advance their criminal agenda. But it is almost certain that when these
wretched specimens look in the mirror, they see nothing but good people
working hard to protect our national security (which they identify with
their own narrow, elite interests) against evildoers bent on our
destruction. They can no longer see the reality in the glass the
blood dribbling from their lips, the flecks of bomb-blown viscera
spattered across their faces, the sunken eyes of men and women
complicit in mass murder and epic rapine. They project their lost
humanity into the mirror, and project their present abominations onto
others.
In any case, beyond all psychological and metaphysical
musings, we can take away this one, concrete, usuable rule of thumb: if
you ever want to know what the Bush Regime is up to, just look at the
accusations they level at their opponents, and there you will find your
answer.
As Sy
Hersh has reported ("The Coming Wars," New Yorker, Jan. 24, 2005),
after his re-election in 2004, George W. Bush signed a series of secret
presidential directives that authorized the Pentagon to run virtually
unrestricted covert operations, including a reprise of the
American-backed, American-trained death squads employed by
authoritarian regimes in Central and South America during the Reagan
Administration, where so many of the Bush faction cut their teeth and
made their bones.
"Do you remember the right-wing execution
squads in El Salvador? a former high-level intelligence official said
to Hersh. "We founded them and we financed them. The objective now is
to recruit locals in any area we want. And we arent going to tell
Congress about it." A Pentagon insider added: "Were going to be riding
with the bad boys." Another role model for the expanded dirty war cited
by Pentagon sources, said Hersh, was Britain's brutal repression of the
Mau Mau in Kenya during the 1950s, when British forces set up
concentration camps, created their own terrorist groups to confuse and
discredit the insurgency, and killed thousands of innocent civilians in
quashing the uprising.
Bush's formal greenlighting of the
death-squad option built upon an already securely-established base,
part of a larger effort to turn the world into a "global free-fire
zone" for covert operatives, as one top Pentagon official told Hersh.
For example, in November 2002 a Pentagon plan to infiltrate terrorist
groups and "stimulate" them into action was uncovered by William Arkin,
then writing for the Los Angeles Times. The new unit, the "Proactive,
Pre-emptive Operations Group," was described in the Pentagon documents
as "a super-Intelligence Support Activity" that brings "together CIA
and military covert action, information warfare, intelligence and cover
and deception."
Later, in August 2004, then deputy Pentagon
chief Paul Wolfowitz appeared before Congress to ask for $500 million
to arm and train non-governmental "local militias" to serve as U.S.
proxies for "counter-insurgency and "counterterrorist" operations in
"ungoverned areas" and hot spots around the world, Agence France Presse
(and virtually no one else) reported at the time. These hired
paramilitaries were to be employed in what Wolfowitz called an "arc of
crisis" that just happened to stretch across the oil-bearing lands and
strategic pipeline routes of Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa and
South America.
By then, the Bush Administration had already
begun laying the groundwork for an expanded covert war in the hot spot
of Iraq. In November 2003, it created a "commando squad" drawn from
the sectarian militias of five major Iraqi factions, as the Washington
Post reported that year. Armed, funded and trained by the American
occupation forces, and supplied with a "state-of-the-art command,
control and communications center" from the Pentagon, the new Iraqi
commandos were loosed on the then-nascent Iraqi insurgency despite
the very prescient fears of some U.S. officials "that various Sunni or
Shiite factions could eventually use the service to secretly undermine
their political competitors," as the Post noted.
And indeed, in
early 2005 not long after Bush's directives loosed the "Salvador
Option" on Iraq the tide of death-squad activity began its long and
bloody rise to the tsunami-like levels we see today. Ironically, the
first big spike of mass torture-murders, chiefly in Sunni areas at the
time, coincided with "Operation Lightning," a much ballyhooed effort by
American and Iraqi forces to "secure" Baghdad. The operation featured a
mass influx of extra troops into the capital; dividing the city into
manageable sectors, then working through them one by one; imposing
hundreds of checkpoints to lock down all insurgent movements; and
establishing a 24-hour presence of security and military forces in
troubled neighborhoods, the Associated Press reported in May 2005. In
other words, it was almost exactly the same plan now being offered as
Bush's "New Way Forward," the controversial "surge."
But the
"Lightning" fizzled in a matter of weeks, and the death squads grew
even bolder. Brazen daylight raids by "men dressed in uniforms" of
Iraqi police or Iraqi commandos or other Iraqi security agencies swept
up dozens of victims at a time. For months, U.S. "advisers" to Iraqi
security agencies including veterans of the original "Salvador
Option" insisted that these were Sunni insurgents in stolen threads,
although many of the victims were Sunni civilians. Later, the line was
changed: the chief culprits were now "rogue elements" of the various
sectarian militias that had "infiltrated" Iraq's institutions.
But
as investigative reporter Max Fuller has pointed out in his detailed
examination of information buried in reams of mainstream news stories
and public Pentagon documents, the vast majority of atrocities then
attributed to "rogue" Shiite and Sunni militias were in fact the work
of government-controlled commandos and "special forces," trained by
Americans, "advised" by Americans and run largely by former CIA assets.
As Fuller puts it: "If there are militias in the Ministry of Interior,
you can be sure that they are militias that stand to attention whenever
a U.S. colonel enters the room." And perhaps a British lieutenant
colonel as well
With the Anglo-American coalition so deeply
embedded in dirty war infiltrating terrorist groups, "stimulating"
them into action," protecting "crown jewel" double-agents no matter
what the cost, "riding with the bad boys," greenlighting the "Salvador
Option" it is simply impossible to determine the genuine origin of
almost any particular terrorist outrage or death squad atrocity in
Iraq. All of these operations take place in the shadow world, where
terrorists are sometimes government operatives and vice versa, and
where security agencies and terrorist groups interpenetrate in murky
thickets of collusion and duplicity. This moral chaos leaves "a kind of
blot/To mark the full-fraught man and best indued/With some suspicion,"
as Shakespeare's Henry V says.
What's more, the "intelligence"
churned out by this system is inevitably tainted by the self-interest,
mixed motives, fear and criminality of those who provide it. The
ineffectiveness of this approach can be seen in the ever-increasing,
many-sided civil war that is tearing Iraq apart. If these covert
operations really are intended to quell the violence, they clearly have
had the opposite effect. If they have some other intention, the pious
defenders of civilization who approve these activities with
promotions, green lights and unlimited budgets aren't telling.