But the reality is that Hussein did
open up his country through the fall and winter of 2002-03, giving Hans
Blix and his U.N. inspection team free rein to check out suspected WMD
sites. It was President Bush who forced the U.N. inspectors out in
March 2003 so his invasion could proceed.
The answer to the
media question of why the U.S. press corps didnt object to Romneys
bogus account is that Washington journalists have accepted this
revisionist history since Bush began lying about the facts in July 2003.
On
July 14, 2003, as the U.S.-led WMD search was coming up empty and only
four months after Bush pushed the U.N. inspectors out of Iraq, he began
asserting that Hussein had never let the inspectors in.
Bush told
reporters:
We gave him [Saddam Hussein] a chance to allow the
inspectors in, and he wouldnt let them in. And, therefore, after a
reasonable request, we decided to remove him from power.
Facing
no contradiction from the White House press corps, Bush continued
repeating this lie in varied forms over the next four years as part of
his public litany for defending the invasion.
On Jan. 27, 2004,
for example, Bush said, We went to the United Nations, of course, and
got an overwhelming resolution 1441 unanimous resolution, that said
to Saddam, you must disclose and destroy your weapons programs, which
obviously meant the world felt he had such programs. He chose defiance.
It was his choice to make, and he did not let us in.
Color of Truth
As the months and years went by, Bushs lie and its unchallenged retelling took on the color of truth.
At
a March 21, 2006, news conference, Bush again blamed the war on
Husseins defiance of U.N. demands for unfettered inspections.
I
was hoping to solve this [Iraq] problem diplomatically, Bush said.
The world said, Disarm, disclose or face serious consequences.
We
worked to make sure that Saddam Hussein heard the message of the world.
And when he chose to deny the inspectors, when he chose not to
disclose, then I had the difficult decision to make to remove him. And
we did.
Only two weeks ago, at a press conference on May 24,
2007, Bush offered a short-hand version, even inviting the journalists
to remember the invented history.
As you might remember back
then, we tried the diplomatic route: [U.N. Resolution] 1441 was a
unanimous vote in the Security Council that said disclose, disarm or
face serious consequences. So the choice was his [Husseins] to make.
And he made a choice that has subsequently caused him to lose his life.
In
the frequent repetition of this claim, Bush never acknowledges the fact
that Hussein did comply with Resolution 1441 by declaring accurately
that he had disposed of his WMD stockpiles and by permitting U.N.
inspectors to examine any site of their choosing. [For more on Bush's
Iraq War deceptions, see Consortiumnews.coms
Bushs Killer Talking
Points.]
Prominent Washington journalists have even repeated
Bushs lie as their own. For instance, in a July 2004 interview, ABCs
veteran newsman Ted Koppel used it to explain why he Koppel thought
the invasion of Iraq was justified.
It did not make logical
sense that Saddam Hussein, whose armies had been defeated once before
by the United States and the Coalition, would be prepared to lose
control over his country if all he had to do was say, All right, U.N.,
come on in, check it out, Koppel told Amy Goodman, host of Democracy
Now.
Of course, Hussein did tell the U.N. to come on in, check
it out. But he did so in the real history, not in the faux reality
that now governs Washington.
Big Lie
This strategy of
repeating a big lie often enough to make it sound true was famously
described in the writings of Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels during
World War II. However, given the relatively free U.S. press, many
Americans felt they were protected from big lie techniques, counting
on journalists to call lying politicians to account.
But that
clearly is no longer the case and hasnt been for some time. Facing
career pressure from well-organized right-wing attack groups, American
journalists act more like triangulating politicians, fearful of
accusations of liberal bias or unpatriotic behavior or softness on
terrorism.
To have challenged George W. Bush in July 2003 when
he was near the height of his popularity and to do so in a way that
might be interpreted as defending Saddam Hussein would have looked
like career suicide to many American reporters.
So, discretion
or in this case the acceptance of a lie as truth was the better part
of valor. And once the lie was repeated enough, it would have sounded
odd to suddenly start challenging what had become the official version
of reality. It was the smarter choice to stay silent and avoid certain
punishment from Bushs defenders.
Clever journalists know that
its much safer to bash someone like, say, Al Gore. Theres virtually
no career downside to do that. [See Consortiumnews.coms
The New
Assault on Al Gore.]
Now, the bogus history of Saddam Hussein
barring the U.N. inspectors has been passed down to a new political
generation and surely is believed by millions of Americans who will be
called on to evaluate this latest cast of aspiring presidential
hopefuls.
To state the obvious, this is not the way a healthy democracy should work.
Robert
Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the
Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book,
Secrecy &
Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be
ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at Amazon.com,
as is his 1999 book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press &
'Project Truth.'
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